Ironicwarcriminal
Ironicwarcriminal
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futurewidow posted:Charest has just announced the details of the law. If there is a demonstration that is unauthorized, the fine will be:
$1,000-$5,000 for individual protesters; $7,000-$35,000 for organizers; $25,000-$125,000 for organizers. If the 'offence' is repeated, the fines will double for each 'offence.'
how are these laws actually worded, like what's their legal basis?
futurewidow
futurewidow
lame
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The legislation, which is expected to be passed Friday, has a time limit, expiring on July 1, 2013.
The measures will ratchet up an already nasty fight between the Quebec government and post-secondary students over tuition-fee hikes. The province, which is increasing fees by more than 80 per cent over seven years, has had to contend with massive protests for more than three months, especially in Montreal.
The bill also removes the legal requirement for colleges to deliver 82 days of classes to complete a session, giving colleges the flexibility to re-organize their schedule in order to have students to finish this session. The government this week suspended classes in 14 of the province’s 48 colleges where strikes were still continuing as well in certain departments and faculties in 11 of the province’s 18 universities.
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getfiscal
getfiscal
Mike Nelson here.
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As well, under the bill, any group of 10 persons or more would have to give at least eight hours notice to police for any demonstration, and must give the time, place and itinerary. Police may change any of the above.
ahahahaa
ahahahaa
futurewidow
futurewidow
lame
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littlegreenpills
littlegreenpills
Poronto
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what would society be without rule of law?
gyrofry
gyrofry
Kurdt
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a miserable pile of freegans
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AmericanNazbro
AmericanNazbro
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it probably has more to do with the fact you're always drunk when reading the forums
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getfiscal
getfiscal
Mike Nelson here.
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i wrote this for some reason. it's about quebec's electoral politics mostly.
Québec Student Strike Roundup
Québec is in the midst of a social crisis centered on two related issues: The planned increase in university tuition by 75% over 7 years (originally 5 before a concession) and a law (Loi 78) that effectively bans public protests. The government is led by the center-right Liberal Party under Premier Jean Charest, who has held office since 2003. The student unions include the moderate FEUQ (universities) and FECQ (colleges) and the radical front CLASSE (around ASSE, a radical student union).
Québec has had student protests for many years in response to cuts and fee increases over a long period of time. Still, university tuition is relatively cheap in Québec, currently around $2,400. In Ontario, it is common to pay a $6,000 sticker price for tuition (although bursaries and rebates can reduce that significantly). Low student tuition and universal access to two-year colleges is considered one of the fundamental parts of the social-democratic “Québec model”, which also includes relative prominence (compared to English Canada) for cooperatives, unions, higher taxes, state intervention in the economy, child care and social liberalism.
From the 1960s until the mid-1990s there was a working consensus on the Quebec model, which was the product first of the “Quiet Revolution” under the provincial Liberals followed by René Lévesque’s social-democratic nationalist government under the Parti Québécois. In the mid-1990s there was a shift in focus the Québec government targeted a “zero deficit”. While governments in Québec remain relatively centrist – for example, the Charest government increased some taxes recently – the drift is towards the Right, especially on issues like education. This has been spurred forward in part by the rise of a new party, considered pro-neoliberal, called the Coalition-Avenir-Québec. Last December, before the explosion of student protest, the CAQ was polling high enough to suggest it would lead government in the election, which is due over the next year. Likewise, the PQ were punished for seeming to drift, and several elected members left the party to start various other projects.
Recent polling suggests that the crisis has established one broad pole, about half the population, that is sympathetic to the students and supportive of the Québec model. About three-quarters of this pole support the Parti Québécois, a mildly social-democratic party. Another quarter supports a party named Québec Solidaire, which is a broad anticapitalist front that holds a single seat in the National Assembly. Since QS concentrates its support in working-class parts of Montréal, it is plausible that they could win as many as four seats next time at current levels of support.
The opposition to that would be a broad pole that is split between the governing Liberals and CAQ. This pole sees the students as essentially “entitled” and not willing to share in the burden of rising costs across the board. The conservative pole sees the Québec model as either obsolete or failed. Most of these voters are critical of Québec independence, either as a practical matter or as federalists, which is a very important metric. In contrast, the first pole’s parliamentary expression is categorically pro-independence, and sees the Québec model as part of a stage of progressive movement towards economic, political and social independence.
CLASSE has a very strong understanding of the social situation in Québec. First, they understand that it is a general strike against neoliberal austerity, and that tuition hike is essentially a test case for possible further and ruinous reforms. Their two main demands are to rescind the anti-democratic Loi 78 and to stop the tuition increase. But they situate this within a class perspective, and use language associated with autonomist Marxism. For example, they talk about social strikes and understand the possibility of using students as a lever against economic accumulation through debt accumulation and costly employment-oriented training and so on.
Importantly, CLASSE understands that there is no way to “win” without generalizing the strike to the broader working class. They have called on unions to join the strike and there is a largely open campaign to shame the union leaders to force the issue. Unions have largely been active so far in terms of cash donations and moral support. But CLASSE is not primarily interested in “support” but rather social disruption that either causes radical social change or, at least, reformulates neoliberalism in such a way that it is easier for people to live (in terms of shoring up the Québec model).
Part of the dilemma, though, is that while there has been a widespread radicalization of certain sections of Québec society, and large numbers of people consider the strikers to be fighting their own battles against the neolilberal state, they don’t see it in a categorical and even way. That is, there are a lot of workers that think there isn’t much point, for example, in striking themselves. Part of this is because they see the mainstream organs of the Left, PQ and QS, fighting on the issue, and see the election coming up within a year as a possibility of turning the page. Supporting that idea, many moderate groups have talked about an “antiliberal front” that would include students giving many donations and providing activist energy to PQ and/or QS. Some recent polls suggest that a PQ-QS coalition (after the election) is at least mathematically possible.
It should be said that this dynamic is not that harmful to the Liberals, either. They have been relishing to play the Party of Order role in order to beat down the other broad Right party CAQ, which has largely worked, blunting the latter party’s meteoric rise last year. Charest has won by polarizing people around him in the past. If there is economic disruption in Montréal during festival season which is seen as the fault of the students then he could plausibly call an election and win, either alone or with the CAQ in coalition. That would make for his fourth consecutive provincial election victory. I don’t think that the more radical students are aiming at a center-left government, but rather to translate this democratic organizing from below into a sort of new model for how people relate to governments. There are many anarchists in Québec that are hoping for a May ’68 situation to develop, for example.
Anyway that’s a basic story of the politics of Québec nowadays.
Québec Student Strike Roundup
Québec is in the midst of a social crisis centered on two related issues: The planned increase in university tuition by 75% over 7 years (originally 5 before a concession) and a law (Loi 78) that effectively bans public protests. The government is led by the center-right Liberal Party under Premier Jean Charest, who has held office since 2003. The student unions include the moderate FEUQ (universities) and FECQ (colleges) and the radical front CLASSE (around ASSE, a radical student union).
Québec has had student protests for many years in response to cuts and fee increases over a long period of time. Still, university tuition is relatively cheap in Québec, currently around $2,400. In Ontario, it is common to pay a $6,000 sticker price for tuition (although bursaries and rebates can reduce that significantly). Low student tuition and universal access to two-year colleges is considered one of the fundamental parts of the social-democratic “Québec model”, which also includes relative prominence (compared to English Canada) for cooperatives, unions, higher taxes, state intervention in the economy, child care and social liberalism.
From the 1960s until the mid-1990s there was a working consensus on the Quebec model, which was the product first of the “Quiet Revolution” under the provincial Liberals followed by René Lévesque’s social-democratic nationalist government under the Parti Québécois. In the mid-1990s there was a shift in focus the Québec government targeted a “zero deficit”. While governments in Québec remain relatively centrist – for example, the Charest government increased some taxes recently – the drift is towards the Right, especially on issues like education. This has been spurred forward in part by the rise of a new party, considered pro-neoliberal, called the Coalition-Avenir-Québec. Last December, before the explosion of student protest, the CAQ was polling high enough to suggest it would lead government in the election, which is due over the next year. Likewise, the PQ were punished for seeming to drift, and several elected members left the party to start various other projects.
Recent polling suggests that the crisis has established one broad pole, about half the population, that is sympathetic to the students and supportive of the Québec model. About three-quarters of this pole support the Parti Québécois, a mildly social-democratic party. Another quarter supports a party named Québec Solidaire, which is a broad anticapitalist front that holds a single seat in the National Assembly. Since QS concentrates its support in working-class parts of Montréal, it is plausible that they could win as many as four seats next time at current levels of support.
The opposition to that would be a broad pole that is split between the governing Liberals and CAQ. This pole sees the students as essentially “entitled” and not willing to share in the burden of rising costs across the board. The conservative pole sees the Québec model as either obsolete or failed. Most of these voters are critical of Québec independence, either as a practical matter or as federalists, which is a very important metric. In contrast, the first pole’s parliamentary expression is categorically pro-independence, and sees the Québec model as part of a stage of progressive movement towards economic, political and social independence.
CLASSE has a very strong understanding of the social situation in Québec. First, they understand that it is a general strike against neoliberal austerity, and that tuition hike is essentially a test case for possible further and ruinous reforms. Their two main demands are to rescind the anti-democratic Loi 78 and to stop the tuition increase. But they situate this within a class perspective, and use language associated with autonomist Marxism. For example, they talk about social strikes and understand the possibility of using students as a lever against economic accumulation through debt accumulation and costly employment-oriented training and so on.
Importantly, CLASSE understands that there is no way to “win” without generalizing the strike to the broader working class. They have called on unions to join the strike and there is a largely open campaign to shame the union leaders to force the issue. Unions have largely been active so far in terms of cash donations and moral support. But CLASSE is not primarily interested in “support” but rather social disruption that either causes radical social change or, at least, reformulates neoliberalism in such a way that it is easier for people to live (in terms of shoring up the Québec model).
Part of the dilemma, though, is that while there has been a widespread radicalization of certain sections of Québec society, and large numbers of people consider the strikers to be fighting their own battles against the neolilberal state, they don’t see it in a categorical and even way. That is, there are a lot of workers that think there isn’t much point, for example, in striking themselves. Part of this is because they see the mainstream organs of the Left, PQ and QS, fighting on the issue, and see the election coming up within a year as a possibility of turning the page. Supporting that idea, many moderate groups have talked about an “antiliberal front” that would include students giving many donations and providing activist energy to PQ and/or QS. Some recent polls suggest that a PQ-QS coalition (after the election) is at least mathematically possible.
It should be said that this dynamic is not that harmful to the Liberals, either. They have been relishing to play the Party of Order role in order to beat down the other broad Right party CAQ, which has largely worked, blunting the latter party’s meteoric rise last year. Charest has won by polarizing people around him in the past. If there is economic disruption in Montréal during festival season which is seen as the fault of the students then he could plausibly call an election and win, either alone or with the CAQ in coalition. That would make for his fourth consecutive provincial election victory. I don’t think that the more radical students are aiming at a center-left government, but rather to translate this democratic organizing from below into a sort of new model for how people relate to governments. There are many anarchists in Québec that are hoping for a May ’68 situation to develop, for example.
Anyway that’s a basic story of the politics of Québec nowadays.
Edited by getfiscal ()
shennong
shennong
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ASSE
getfiscal
getfiscal
Mike Nelson here.
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shennong posted:ASSE
in french there is an accent on the e and it sounds like "assez!" which is "enough!"
getfiscal
getfiscal
Mike Nelson here.
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lol a major canadian press article reprinted on the national post website had this as the end of the article:
Anarchists such as Jaggi Singh have also thrown their hats into the ring of public discourse.
Singh, a perennial figure in Canadian activism and known for his involvement in social justice causes, announced through his Twitter account on May 23 that “Rich douchebags are going to be disrupted by night demos,” referring to the Grand Prix weekend.
A security memo issued by the U.S. Consulate in Montreal in April warned American tourists of possible “unforeseen violence,” “vandalism” and “arrests” in Montreal caused by social unrest. It remains unknown whether it persuaded a considerable amount of tourists to avoid Montreal.
---
strike worth it just for that
Anarchists such as Jaggi Singh have also thrown their hats into the ring of public discourse.
Singh, a perennial figure in Canadian activism and known for his involvement in social justice causes, announced through his Twitter account on May 23 that “Rich douchebags are going to be disrupted by night demos,” referring to the Grand Prix weekend.
A security memo issued by the U.S. Consulate in Montreal in April warned American tourists of possible “unforeseen violence,” “vandalism” and “arrests” in Montreal caused by social unrest. It remains unknown whether it persuaded a considerable amount of tourists to avoid Montreal.
---
strike worth it just for that
getfiscal
getfiscal
Mike Nelson here.
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MONTREAL - A major Jewish organization says Nazi salutes at student protests bring back memories of the Holocaust.
B'nai Brith Canada says the one-armed salutes have caused "shock and outrage amongst the Jewish community."
B'nai Brith Canada says the one-armed salutes have caused "shock and outrage amongst the Jewish community."
shennong
shennong
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uhhh
getfiscal
getfiscal
Mike Nelson here.
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what happened is some students nazi saluted some cops, comparing them to the nazis.
"The actions of these protesters, whether for the purposes of deriding Montreal police or drawing attention to their cause ... remind us just how quickly the manifestations of hate can venture their way into our public discourse."
"The actions of these protesters, whether for the purposes of deriding Montreal police or drawing attention to their cause ... remind us just how quickly the manifestations of hate can venture their way into our public discourse."
littlegreenpills
littlegreenpills
Poronto
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there were rumors of protestors swarming into the grand prix stadium and mobbing the track and getting mown down by jacques villeneuve, confirm/deny
getfiscal
getfiscal
Mike Nelson here.
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jacques villeneuve said that the protesters should get jobs. my first thought was well actually most of them are in training, that's what this is about, and many of them probably have jobs. my second thought was wait don't you drive in a circle all day. probably not a smart move to get into a 'contribution to society' battle with people who want to be nurses and teachers.
EmanuelaBrolandi
EmanuelaBrolandi
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littlegreenpills posted:there were rumors of protestors swarming into the grand prix stadium and mobbing the track and getting mown down by jacques villeneuve, confirm/deny
the reichstag moment for the quebecois student movement